The Re-election of President Girma Wolde Ghiorgis
By Fitsum G.
October 19, 2007
Article 69 of the FDRE Constitution The President of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia is the Head of State. Article 71: He shall open the joint session of the House of Peoples’ Representatives and the House of the Federation at the commencement of their annual sessions. He shall proclaim in the Negarit Gazette laws and international agreements approved by the House of Peoples’ Representatives in accordance with the Constitution. He shall, upon recommendations by the Prime Minister, appoint ambassadors and other envoys to represent the country abroad. He shall receive the credentials of foreign ambassadors and special envoys. He shall award medals, prizes and gifts in accordance with conditions and procedures established by law. He shall, upon recommendation by the Prime Minister and in accordance with law, grant high military titles. He shall, in accordance with conditions and procedures established by law, grant pardon. The recent news that incumbent President Girma Wolde-Giorghis was reelected for another six-year term was received with surprise by many people also because few imagined or expected such eventuality. Given his age, and generally apparently precarious health conditions, people were in the state of mind that he would opt to retire, away from indiscrete eyes, and enjoy the rest of his life in leisure. After all, people reckoned, having seen it all, and having lived the zenith of his career, why would he bother himself staying for six more engaging years?! But not quite, evidently. Deducing from what he declared in his interview with ETV, not only was he willing to continue, but with utmost respect and pleasure at that! True, many did not realize that the law does not pose restrictions of age nor prohibit a second term; and when the joint session of parliament conferred on him a two-thirds majority vote as per the Constitution, (The House of Peoples’ Representatives shall nominate the candidate for president. The nominee shall be elected President if a joint session of the House of Peoples’ Representatives and the House of the Federation approves his candidacy by a two-thirds majority vote, Art. 70), ‘les jeux sont fait’, as the French would say: the game is over. But even in a country such as Ethiopia where democracy is largely considered at its infancy and still struggling not to drown, and the president’s powers are more of a ceremonial character other than anything substantial (see above), nevertheless, such an event does have its impact and implications. Many believe that it is in a way indicative of what the incumbent government’s intentions are for the next years; (and that is maintain the status quo and not rush to any changes that would create an embarrassment.) Girma has done what is expected of him and no one has felt betrayed by any of his actions, according to the view from Arat Kilo. Therefore, he has proved his worth and deserves only confirmation, (EPRDF’s parliamentary whip Shiferaw Jarso emphasized his achievements). But what do others say on such confirmation? Opposition in the House begged to disagree even without discrediting the veteran leader. They nominated instead the fiery opposition leader Professor Beyene Petros alleging that Ethiopia needed some one younger and more dynamic. A call of course easily aborted by the supremacy of the ruling party in the Houses. They criticized what they called the inertia or omission of action by the president during the election crisis when he should have used his prestige and charisma to try and bring together the discrepant parties around a table and probably avoid the bloody confrontation. He had given the erroneous impression of apathy and damaged the post of the president, they alleged. What about the general public’s reaction? Well, people did learn to appreciate the dignified posture that the elder leader projected, an incarnation of a revered ceremonial figure to the taste of many a foreign leader. But once he finished with his term, his second term was out of the blue. This issue continued to be a topic of discussion among many people, and the general atmosphere appeared one of sheer incredulity. A few even found it ridiculous because despite his colorful CV, it was time for him to retire. Some critics alleged the post was being further undermined by the ruling party’s constitutional omnipower. Many queries emerged: What vision of the ruling party would warrant such a choice? Is it really not possible to have a better candidate that would be to the taste of the executive? Why create a ‘constitutional crisis’ in the unfortunate event that the leader might be in a position not to execute even routine activities? Hence, why not think of relieving him of his duties graciously and think of a smooth replacement? Or is EPRDF cultivating behind the curtain a new person for sometime in the future? Success and glory have been the highlights of Girma’s long career and Ethiopians appreciate his intensive campaign for the environment, his diligence for a better image of the country and his dignified presence in guests’ company. His campaigns against HIV/AIDS and engagement in several national development activities, his tours and visits, his articulate interviews, despite his age and physical constraints, have been well taken. Nevertheless, for many his re-election was out of question and has frustrated the hopes of many to see a fresh face. They insisted Ethiopia needed a ‘vigorous president’ that could somehow balance/match, if not challenge, the muscles of the executive. Definitely, Ethiopia needs a president that would make every one believe they are well represented and heard. Otherwise, the impression that the seemingly unfettered powers of the executive reigning undisturbed casts a shadow on the efforts of a build up towards a more democratic approach in governance. What is more, if one subscribes to the idea that the possibility that such choice by the parliament may have been spearheaded by some external force, in the search for a ‘convenient’ candidate, the matter gets more complicated and would cry for redress. Concerning the opposition candidate, it is easy to imagine that any ruling party would rather not have a president with the potential of being critical of its outlook and policies, and hence Beyene’s fate was doomed in advance. The parties knew it. But they wanted to begin with a new trend that nomination for a high public office should not be a monopoly of the ruling party. They argued the image of the president’s neutrality in party politics must come out loud and clear and what should be overwhelming is the interest of the nation as one, above partisanship, super partes. There must also be room for criticism of whatever blunders the government may commit. It is hence difficult not to consider seriously the idea that Ethiopia has no interest in insisting with a passive president, acquiescent with every move the incumbent leadership may adopt! Above all, such presidency would encroach up on the prestige of the office as an institution, and perhaps erode the confidence of the large mass not always and necessarily committed with this or that political party. In principle, the president should guarantee a perception of neutrality and distance from the executive (or any other interest group for that matter), and speak up in the overall interest of the Nation. But the question remains: are conditions ripe for such scenario in today’s Ethiopia?