The May 15 'Victory'!

By Fitsum G.

May 31st , 2005

Yes, Ethiopians have shown to the world that they are totally capable of abiding by the basic rules of democracy, i.e. they can accept and accommodate elections without any tutorial or paternalist suggestions from any where! Convinced that the electoral process would make a meaningful change in their lives, they longed for the day, began by lining up for hours, starting as early as 4 in the morning, and ended up by voting after waiting in long, orderly but exhausting queues! And there were voters who lined up patiently until 11 in the evening! (My brother, a medical doctor, was patient enough to wait from 7 am to 2 pm! And there were thousands of such tales to tell, about voters' extraordinary patience and harmonious behaviour in the more than 31,000 polling stations. Such perseverance sounds like a Guiness Record. And no one tried and succeeded in causing major disruption in the process; a surprising fact.

There were tales of voter brides and grooms with their entourage, a woman who gave birth at the polling station (or nearby!), disabled people, (aided), the elderly, the sickly, you name it, all flocking to the polling stations to 'pay their maximum tribute to democracy', to self-rule, to freedom! No one wanted to miss such opportunity; no one wanted to wait for another five years. 'We suffer hunger or thirst for one day, rather than do so for five years, ' seemed their motto! Here, the civic consciousness of the people, awareness, and attitude were admirable. It was a testimony to the hard and persistent work of all those who were involved in the election preparations, including government bodies, NGOs, international and local, civic societies, associations, media, parties and personalities and what not. Good work!

As background, many points could be cited in favour of this year's, by and large, entirely successful election process. To start with, the government declared that it would hold 'flawless' election. One of the major characteristics was that there were real alternatives to choose from: parties, programs and candidates, unlike previous 'elections'. In the first place, it is open to argument whether there really had ever been 'genuine elections' in the country before, (and if one insisted that there were, it should be cleared that this did not happen every where in the country). Five years ago, there were such elections in a few quarters here in Addis, (where for instance Major Admassu of AEUP managed to win against Minister Tefera, and some areas in the South Region, where similarly Dr Beyene triumphed with his Coalition for Alternative Forces in fiercely contested election). In any case, it should not be taken that this was so exclusively or necessarily due to the fault/conspiracy of the ruling party (who in a sense did not care a lot whether the opposition wanted to get organized and challenge it, or preferred to boycott the elections altogether. Logically, the less the rivals, the better!). I remember most opposition forces opted to boycott the polls because they claimed the conditions and circumstances for the preparation and conduct of the elections were such that they did not reasonably warrant free contest, (if not full of dangers and risks). Well, one can argue that if political battle or struggle meant anything, it is clear that it would ask for more than a sacrifice and commitment, including various sorts of risks and uncertainties during the process, and should hence be effected everywhere materially possible. (Professor Mesfin would argue, 'today, a political struggle that involved arms and violence was not worthy of its name. Only peaceful exchange/debate of ideas, programs, followed by public's free choice, would qualify for it!) In any case, there was no real contest, little social interest and the matter was archived with little splendour nor glory for a party that practically ran alone. There were 'special coverages' of the 'elections' and 'landslide victories' recorded!

One of the most fundamental of complaints from potential contenders had to do with the National Electoral Board. They argued as long as it was not strong, free and independent, holding free and fair election would be a nightmare. And they added if they participated under such circumstance, disregarding various other handicaps, they would only favour the game/show of the ruling party, giving it the appearance of a 'champion of democracy' and 'multiparty election winner'! An image they felt reluctant to concede. (At this point, it would be fair to mention a study conducted by Siegfried Pausewang, Kjetil Tronvoll and Lovise Aalen, compiled in a book entitled 'Ethiopia since the Derg', A Decade of Democratic Pretension and Performance, published in 2002. It gives more than an idea on the election environment of those years.)

This time around, however, many things changed, fast and remarkably. To start with, opposition parties had begun to rally behind a united front, having done their homework, (and without any external interference). Thus they had avoided the greatest of their weaknesses, i.e. intestinal disputes and rivalries. A divided opposition was easy prey to the strict monolithic party discipline and performance of EPRDF. These were past lessons, learnt the hard way! Hence, their organisation under one umbrella gave them a unique opportunity to compete vigorously and challenge the ruling party. People then began to envisage them as a real alternative, something to have trust in.

Once these parties were established, legally recognized, and publicized, they began with the hard work of trying to introduce their programs and harness as much appreciation and trust as they could. Side by side, preparations in view of the elections were then underway. And in all this development, the collaboration and permission of the government (even tacit) was indispensable within the framework of the 'democratization process' underway, (also closely watched/monitored by foreign observers, donors. The process was more significant than the results, as one basic tenet of democracy!

Hence, once timetable was fixed, and the National Electoral Board approved of the candidacies of the various parties and their components, these went straight to business. (By the way, the Board was untouchable and parties had to settle with what concessions the government was ready to offer.) A code of conduct to be observed (during the campaign) was agreed upon, certain rules were outlined, and certain guarantees collectively signed. Considering the announced fierce competition, the whole process needed to be limited within prescribed peaceful and legal confines. And for all this to succeed, there needed the commitment and maturity of all parties. Election campaigns can arouse peoples' sentiments and lead to agitation. In a reality such as Ethiopia, extra caution was imperative.

Air time over the radio and ETV was shared by each party, (and thanks to certain civic organizations), debates were staged, most transmitted 'live' on ETV and Radio Ethiopia, and eagerly followed by an excited electorate. Election news coverages were programmed and undertaken every day, with newspapers dedicating pages and pages for them. At a certain point, the country was completely absorbed by election matters. It became national agenda number one! At times the debates exhibited nasty features, and some of the 'hard' words exchanged in 'live' debates by the top officials of both sides, government and opposition, disappointed many viewers and neutral observers. Allegations touched on fragile and delicate issues of ethnicity, religion, groups/classes and even personalities. Restraint was then recommended by many, specially by the more mature and experienced ones (such as Dr. Beyene, who commands great respect for his composure). All in all, we can conclude that the campaign was characterized by a number of features that would be of keen interest to researchers and academics. And this can be taken as a sort of success any way!

In the meantime, 26 out of 30 million eligible voters had registered. Election observers and National Electoral Board people (about a hundred thousand) had been given ad hoc training on electoral procedures, observation and counting. Political parties as well had given their members and other staff, how to proceed on the matter guarding against irregularities, illegalities.

Then rallies were called for, (May 7, EPRDF, May 8, CUD). It was the apex of the campaign.

For one reason or another, both rallies have gone to Ethiopian history as the two most momentous rallies ever held in the capital in one day. And they stimulated every one to wait with impatience and anxiety for the famous election day, and later for the outcome.

Election day went down to history as peaceful and calm in spite of certain inconveniences caused: long queues, irritating disorganization, lack of election material and/or personnel, interruption of power, and above all a huge, unexpected turn out of voters, beyond the material capacity of the stations. Every voter went home with the peace of their mind that they have had the chance to freely choose their ideal candidate or party! And that alone was a breakthrough!

Now democracy is a relatively new and unaccomplished idea in many parts of Africa, even conceding attempts in that direction. Nevertheless, there abounds the conviction that only complete democracy can offer viable solutions to African perennial poverty. It was only when people felt that the government that administers their affairs is the one that they elected , that lasting solutions to the problems could be sought and found. Such conviction is taking root in Africa defying a number of challenges, specially in the implementation process. African governments have the notoriety that they would leave no stone unturned to stick to power. Many may resort even to crime, corruption, or the army, to retain power. And that is what has resulted to be a major obstacle to the flourishing of democracy, to free and democratic culture. There are not enough, strong and independent institutions that could guarantee a peaceful and fair election, and apply transition of power. In Ethiopia, there has hardly ever been a peaceful and voluntary transition of power from one government to another that we remember of. What is more, whoever had been in power was never spared from either being incarcerated when they were deposed, or were outright eliminated or exiled by the new rulers. In our lifetime, such trend has materialized both when the monarchy was dethroned as when the Derg was crushed. Here, it would be proper to mention the theme of a recent outstanding song released by Ethiopian Artist Teddy Afro, called 'Yasstesseriyal', (pardon heals, revenge destroys).

Hence, on May 15, 2005, the Ethiopian people had the chance to freely elect their own representatives in what could be called the most democratic of all previous elections. Not only that, but also among a multitude of alternatives. In this sense, May 15 can be considered as a 'landmark' in the recent history of Ethiopia, a watershed. Saying that there has never been a 'free and sovereign parliament' in Ethiopian history would not be mere rhetoric. Even the current House (dominated by the ruling EPRDF) cannot claim such nomenclature without looking frivolously pretentious. Certain MPs have themselves declared that debates have almost always taken one direction, and the House has acted mainly as an official 'rubberstamp' of the Executive's proposals or even decisions, turning to be its longa manus.

This being so, however, no one can be naive enough to expect that things would totally change as of May 16, (or June 8, election results announcement), and every one in Ethiopia would be free, rich and happy, under a new government, (be it a coalition of opposition forces, a union of all political forces, or a sort of government of unity of most forces at play, or whatever). The political scenario in Ethiopia dictates a number of cautious considerations, given the variety and complexity of forces, and the graveness and urgency of issues at hand, the composition of the peoples and cultures, with their respective needs and priorities, their anxieties and aspirations. It would be a very difficult country to govern even if it were endowed with abundant diamond and gold, let alone being a toiling country with limited resources and very difficult topography, and eco-system (that can hardly feed its own people all year round, or fill its budget to go on with day to day government activities). All this complicates matters, but what is more urgent in the heart of all Ethiopians is that, first of all, let's have a government that we can call is 'the one that we chose'. Then, other matters will follow, and in addressing this very first fundamental question, May 15 shall have served a valid purpose, (even admitting that election by itself could be an illusion). Whatever the results of the polls and whatever the shape/colour of the upcoming government, Ethiopians have already won one of the biggest battles of their three-thousand year history: they have given a chance to democracy, even if democracy is not expressed only in election terms! (Last Saturday, at the funeral of veteran journalist Kebebew Gebeyehu, Associate Editor-in-Chief of Tobia and later Lisane Hizb, both authoritative private Amharic newspapers, many felt more sorrow for his 'ill-timed death', that had to happen when he was about to see a new day in the political climate here, for which he had struggled until his final breath. But one veteran journalist aptly responded that all those who struggled for such aim, (as did the late Kebebew), were totally gratified after experiencing the May 8 gigantic opposition rally. That was a climax, that was the daybreak for Ethiopia, not to miss; and anything extra could easily be forgone.)

Considering with serenity all these recent developments hence, even an electorally humbled or re-dimensioned EPRDF should feel proud and gratified because it could legitimately claim its share of credit for being a catalyst to such grand metamorphosis. In fact, a smart prime minister did not lose the opportunity to reiterate it the very evening the election was conducted. The future should now looks less dark, if not as bright as many would hope for! Let us all do our part not to squander the occasion!